Juncho
"me no b’longs to dem"

Juncho

Juncho, formerly enslaved on McKinnon’s Estate in St. John Parish, Antigua, photographed in the years following emancipation

Juncho was an elderly formerly enslaved woman from McKinnon’s Estate in Antigua.

Juncho’s life comes to us through a mediated source: a white woman writing in Antigua and the Antiguans, Volume Two, later re-read by Natasha Lightfoot in Troubling Freedom. Juncho is speaking, but her speech is being recorded, framed, judged, and partially doubted by someone inside the colonial world. Even so, the force of the testimony survives. Juncho’s story is one of the clearest surviving fragments of individual experience from McKinnon’s Estate.

Biography

Field Labour

Juncho was enslaved on MacKinnon’s Estate in St. John Parish, Antigua. When she described her work during slavery, she named the tasks directly: digging cane holes, weeding cane, picking grass, and doing general estate labour. In her words, when she was young, she had to “work hard,” dig cane holes, weed cane, pick grass, and “do everything.”

Digging Cane Holes

The first task Juncho names is cane-hole digging. This was one of the most brutal forms of plantation field labor. On Antiguan estates, cane fields were marked out, and enslaved men and women used long-handled hoes to open holes where the cane would be planted. A contemporary visual record from William Clark’s Ten Views in the Island of Antigua shows enslaved men and women in the first gang digging cane holes under supervision, with others marking the field and a driver overseeing the work.

This work meant repeated impact into hard ground, under heat, in a field system designed for output, not endurance. It meant the shoulders absorbing the blow of the hoe, the lower back held under constant pressure, the hands blistered and split, the knees and hips forced into repetition. Antigua and the Antiguans says that, under task-work after emancipation, laborers could be expected to complete a “usual day’s work” of three hundred cane holes by early morning, and that some opened six hundred in a day, a detail the author herself connects to the excessive heat and the labor required for each hole.

For Juncho, this was not “agricultural work” in any neutral sense. Cane-hole digging was the plantation turning her body into a tool. The land was prepared by breaking the worker. Every hole was a demand that she convert muscle into sugar value. Every field was a grid of forced exertion. The crop grew because bodies like hers were spent into the soil first.

Weeding Cane

The second task Juncho names is weeding cane. This was maintenance labor: keeping the cane clean, keeping the rows productive, keeping every competing plant from taking moisture and nutrients away from the sugar crop. In practical terms, it meant bending, cutting, pulling, scraping, and clearing. It meant working low to the ground, over and over, in heat, among insects, dust, sharp cane leaves, and soil.

The emotional violence of this task sits in its repetition. Weeding is never finished. It returns. The worker clears the field, and the field grows back. The plantation forces the enslaved woman into a cycle where her effort disappears almost as soon as it is performed. That kind of labor is mentally crushing because it offers no completion, no authorship, no recognition. It is maintenance of another person’s wealth by the slow erosion of one’s own body.

For Juncho, this also happened inside a system where her time did not belong to her. She explains that when her child was sick, the child might be placed in the sick house, but she still had to go to the field. She wanted to stay, but the plantation schedule overruled maternal care. That is the key point: field labor did not only exhaust her muscles. It invaded motherhood. It made care itself illegal unless the owner allowed it.

Picking Grass

The third task Juncho names is picking grass. This can sound small if read too quickly. It was not small. In West Indian plantation practice, grass-picking was often connected to feeding estate animals, especially cattle and working animals. Evidence from abolition-era accounts describes grass-picking as work added onto the field day, sometimes during supposed rest periods and sometimes after the day’s labor. It was especially punishing in drought, when grass was difficult to find, and people could be punished for not bringing enough.

This makes Juncho’s phrase heavier. “Pick grass” was not a light errand. It was the plantation extending its claim over the hours left after already exhausting work. It meant walking, searching, cutting or pulling, bundling, carrying. It meant the body had to keep serving the machinery of the estate even outside the main cane task. The cattle had to eat, the mill had to keep moving, the plantation had to keep functioning. Juncho’s fatigue did not matter.

This is where the system becomes especially cruel. The enslaved worker is made responsible for maintaining the animals that maintain the estate, while the estate refuses to maintain the enslaved person as a human being. Grass for cattle could be demanded. Time with a sick child could be denied. That is the ethical structure of slavery in miniature.

“Doing Everything”

Plantation slavery was not one job. It was a total claim. Field work, maintenance work, carrying, cleaning, provisioning, tending animals, obeying bells, responding to drivers, enduring punishment, surviving hunger, raising children under surveillance: all of it belonged to the same system.

She also remembers that under slavery she had a house and garden, where she could raise poultry and plant yams, potatoes, greens, and other provisions. That detail is not evidence that slavery was materially good. Juncho explicitly rejects that interpretation. It shows something more brutal: the enslaved were often forced to use their own “free” time to produce the food and domestic stability that the plantation did not adequately provide. After emancipation, when she was old and no longer profitable, she says her house and garden were taken from her because she no longer “belonged” to them.

Lightfoot reads this as one of the central paradoxes of Antiguan emancipation: freedom gave Juncho legal self-ownership, but it also exposed how little material security the formerly enslaved were allowed to keep. Juncho could bless freedom and still be hungry. She could reject slavery and still remember that slavery had tied basic shelter to ownership. That is not contradiction. That is the violence of a system that made survival dependent on being property.

The Cost

Physically, Juncho’s work meant accumulated damage. Cane-hole digging damaged backs, shoulders, wrists, hands, hips, and knees. Weeding cane forced the body into repetitive bending and scraping. Picking grass added walking, searching, lifting, and carrying after the main labor was already done. The Antiguan sugar economy extracted not only labor-hours but posture, breath, joints, skin, and old age. The proof is in Juncho’s own condition: when she is old, she is “no able to work.” The plantation has used the strength of her youth, then treats her age as a defect.

Emotionally, Juncho’s account is devastating because she is not asking for sentimentality. She is making an assessment. She says freedom has left her poor. Sometimes she does not eat bread all day. Her daughter has many children and cannot give her much. Yet she still says she does not want slavery back.

That means the wound was deeper than poverty. Slavery was worse because it took the self. It took the child. It took the right to stay, to speak, to protect, to refuse. Her phrase “me no b’longs to dem” is the core of the testimony. She is saying: hunger is terrible, but being owned is another category of violence. Poverty hurts the body. Slavery claims the person.

Tales

Juncho’s Sick Child and the Whipping of Her Child

Juncho’s account of slavery turns on two episodes involving her own child: an illness managed by the estate, and a whipping she was forced to witness.

When Juncho was pressed to defend her preference for freedom against the visible deprivations of her present life, she did not reach for any abstraction of liberty or for the vocabulary of political principle, but turned instead to two episodes drawn from the body of her own child. Both belong to the period of her enslavement on McKinnon’s Estate, and both record the precise moment at which the disciplinary architecture of the sugar plantation crossed the threshold of maternal intimacy and asserted itself over the very functions — the nursing of a sick child, the protection of a beaten one — by which she most fundamentally understood herself to be a mother.

In the first of these episodes, her child had fallen ill and been removed to the sick house while Juncho herself was held in the cane for the entirety of the workday, since the hours of her child’s illness and the hours of her labour were not, in the logic of the estate, permitted to compete with one another, cultivation possessing an absolute claim upon her body that no degree of maternal urgency could displace. She could only wait — through the long heat of the morning, the slower exhaustion of the afternoon, perhaps into the failing light of evening — before she was at last released to cross the distance from the field to the room in which her child lay, where the time she was granted proved brief and where her child, sensing its brevity, pleaded with her to remain: “Mammy, ’top wid me, no go, mammy.” She was unable to grant the request, and the cruelty of the moment lay not in any geographical separation, for she was close enough to enter the room, to hear the small voice, and to register the fear it carried, but rather in the temporal sovereignty exercised by the estate over her hours, a sovereignty that suspended even the most elementary obligations of care and refused her the right to remain at the bedside of her own sick child.

The second episode is, if anything, more terrible, for it concerns not absence but enforced presence: Juncho was made to stand and to watch while her child was beaten. The occasion was a small infraction, an act the master had construed as a transgression of plantation order, and the punishment was elaborated through a sequence of bodily preparations that Juncho recalled with the steady clarity of one who had seen them performed. The child could be tied to a tree, his hands drawn upward and bound at the wrists so that his back hung exposed to the open air, or he could be stretched flat upon the ground while two men pressed his shoulders and his legs into the earth so that the lash, when it fell, would meet a body held wholly without recourse. The master ordered the punishment, the men supplied the restraint, and the driver wielded the whip; these were not three discrete acts of cruelty but a single coordinated procedure of plantation discipline, executed upon the body of a child whose mother had been compelled to attend its administration.

She wept throughout the beating, and her child cried out beneath each blow, and within Juncho herself the words of intercession formed themselves with full clarity — “Don’t do so, massa; let him go” — and yet she did not dare release them into the air, for to speak on her child’s behalf would have been to invite the whip upon her own back, and so her silence was extracted from her in the same coercive register as her labour and was preserved through the same continuing threat of further violence. When at last the punishment was finished, no consolation was permitted her, since she could neither lift her child from the ground on which he had been broken nor remain at his side while he recovered, but was required, like a worker dismissed from a task, to turn away and to leave him in the place where the discipline had been carried out.

Lightfoot treats these two episodes together as a single indictment of the institution and as among the most harrowing of those that Juncho endured under bondage, since in the first a mother was prevented from nursing her sick child back to health because the demands of cane cultivation upon her body would not be deferred for the time the work of recovery required, while in the second that same mother was compelled to witness the violent punishment of that same child, possessing no recognized capacity to halt the beating, to shelter the wounded body afterwards, or even to remain at his side once the estate had finished with him. Read in sequence, the two episodes describe a regime in which maternal authority was not merely curtailed at its edges but systematically extinguished at its centre, the field and the sick house and the whipping post bound together as continuous extensions of a single apparatus of control into which the body of the child and the love of the mother were equally and simultaneously absorbed.

What is most chilling in the testimony is the unembellished plainness of its evidentiary structure, for Juncho relates these events without rhetorical elaboration and the archive that preserves them is correspondingly austere, recording no name for the child, no age at which the illness or the whipping occurred, no date upon which either event might be fixed within the wider chronology of the estate, and no description of the wounds the lash left upon his back when it had finished with him. What survives, in place of these particulars, is the architecture of the experience itself — illness administered by the estate, labour enforced over care, punishment carried out upon the body of a child, and a mother held within the same apparatus of authority by which her child was first taken from her and then returned to her wounded — and it is precisely in this austerity, in this refusal of the sentimental detail by which other narratives might soften their own horror, that Juncho’s account acquires its enduring weight as a document of what slavery, in its ordinary and routine operation, actually was.

An enslaved Caribbean woman walking toward the sugar cane fields of McKinnon’s Estate, Antigua, at the start of a workday
The plantation sick house at McKinnon’s Estate, Antigua, where Juncho’s child lay during his illness
Juncho stands witness as plantation discipline is carried out upon her child at McKinnon’s Estate, Antigua
A child’s hands bound to a tree in preparation for a whipping at McKinnon’s Estate, Antigua, as recounted in Juncho’s testimony
The driver wields the whip during the punishment of Juncho’s child at McKinnon’s Estate, Antigua
Juncho silenced by the threat of further violence as her child is beaten at McKinnon’s Estate, St. John Parish, Antigua
References

Sources

Source

Antigua and the Antiguans, Volume Two

  • 01A short time ago, I was speaking to an old woman whom I knew when she was a slave upon McKinnon’s estate; and among other questions, I asked her, “Juncho,” (her name,) “are you happier now than when you was a slave—are you better off now than you was then? or would you be satisfied to return to slavery, and become once more the property of your old master?“ “Missis,” returned the poor old creature, “me no going to tell ’tory, me ’peak de truth; me no better off now den me war den, nor no so well self; for den me hab house and garden, an me could raise ’tock, (meaning poultry, &c.,) an plant yam, an pittates, (potatoes,) an green, an ebery ting else; and now me free, me hab notting.” “And where is your house now?” I asked, to hear what she would say. “Why, wen August com, massa call me, and he say, Me no want you to lib here no more; you no good to work, you must go, me want your house to gib to one oder somebody dats ’trong; no ole like you; and you garden me want. So you know, missis, me forced to go; so me come to town wid me daughter, and me lib wid she, for me can do but lilly work now.” “Then you would rather be a slave again?” “Oh, no, missis, me no want to be slabe gen, me sure. God made me free—God put it in buckra heart to set me free, an me bless God for it; me no want to be slabe gen.” “But I understood you, that you were better off in the time of slavery—that you had many comforts then that you cannot obtain now, and yet you tell me you do not want to be a slave again—tell me the reason.” “Well, missis, it true me better off den dan me am now, for since me free, me no get much; sometimes me no eat bread all day, for me daughter hab so many pic’nees (children) she no able to gib me much; but den me no me free; me no God gib me free, and slabery is one bad something sometimes.” I went on to ask her what she meant by a “bad something,” for I was anxious to know what the negroes thought of slavery and freedom. “S’pose, den,” said Juncho, “s’pose you hab one pic’nee, dat pic’nee sick; well, he put in de sick house; me ’bliged to go field, me want to go see me sick pic’nee, but me no must go, me hab to work till ebening ’praps; wen work done, me go see me poor sick pic’nee, but me must no ’top wid he. Me hab make haste go; den me pic’nee say, ‘Mammy, ’top wid me, no go, mammy:’ but me forced to go and leabe me poor pic’nee. Den ’gen, missis, ’praps me pic’nee do something bad, something he no ought to do, and massa take he and tie he two hands up to one tree, else he make two men ’tretch he upon de ground, an den de driber lick he so, an me cry to see him lick so, and me pic’nee bawl, but me no dare say, ‘Don’t do so, massa; let him go,’ but me hab to go way and lebe he dere; so you see, missis, dat make me say me no lub slabery. Now wen me noung, me hab to work hard, hab dig cane hole, weed cane, pick grass, do ebery ting; but now me ole, and no able to work, dey take away me house, ’cause me no b’longs to dem, but den me no me free, and me bless God me am free.” This was Juncho’s tale: it proves negroes do feel for their relations when in trouble, or suffering from illness; but with regard to her being turned out of her house after freedom, I think is not quite correct, for I never heard of an Antiguan planter doing so. Perhaps all of her children who could be of any service to the estate, by working upon the property, quitted it, and the manager might have told her, that if they did not return, she must leave too.
Source

Natasha Lightfoot, Troubling Freedom

  • 01Antigua’s thirty thousand enslaved people, alongside those in all other British colonial territories, were freed on August 1, 1834. Shortly after emancipation, Juncho, an elderly black Antiguan woman previously en- slaved on MacKinnon’s Estate in the Parish of St. John, described the differences between slavery and freedom.1 The very moment of freedom rendered Juncho both jobless and homeless. Abolition ended her daily toil in the fields but undermined her material security. Since 1834, she had lived in poverty with her daughter. Juncho declared: “So you see . . . dat make me say me no [love] slabery. Now wen me [young], me hab to work hard, hab dig cane [h]ole, weed cane, pick grass, do ebery ting; but now me ole, and no able to work, dey take away me house, ’cause me no b’longs to dem, but den me [know] me free, and me bless God me am free.”
  • 02Juncho insisted that, despite the hunger and privation she encoun- tered in freedom, slavery had been worse. She mentioned examples of two harrowing situations that as an enslaved mother she typically faced. She could not nurse a sick child back to health because she was required to toil in the fields all day. When her child transgressed a rule of the plantation, she had to watch, powerless to intervene, as the owner tied Juncho’s child to a tree and meted out a violent whipping. In Juncho’s account, freedom relieved the sorts of stresses on the mother-child re- lationship that being the property of another often involved. The im- poverishment she endured while living with her daughter and several grandchildren, however, attests to other kinds of stresses black families encountered after 1834.
  • 03The striking utterance “me no b’longs to dem” signals that she took solace in the self-mastery that legal freedom brought. As a freedwoman, she had control of her body and her time. Reportedly, Antigua’s freed- people used the phrase “me free, me no b’longs to you!” as a “constant boast” when they ignored or defied whites.3 The phrase also evokes black women’s relief at the freedom to protect their bodies from sexual viola- tion. Juncho and her formerly enslaved compatriots relished their new status and the liberty to express it publicly to all whites within earshot.
  • 04Yet Juncho’s story, rather than hailing abolition as an unalloyed bless- ing, also underlines the many difficulties that black working people faced following their legal release from enslavement. She explained: “It true me better off den dan me am now, for since me free, me no get much; sometimes me no eat bread all day, for me daughter hab so many pic’nees (children) she no able to gib me much; but . . . me [know] God gib me free, and slabery is one bad something sometimes.”
  • 05Juncho admitted that some aspects of her circumstances in bondage proved better than those she experienced in freedom. As a slave, she had access to her own house and a private garden, where she grew produce and raised poultry. When emancipation came, her then-former owner expelled her from her home and reclaimed her provision ground as his own. Too old to be employed profitably, she became a liability in this new regime of wage labor.
  • 06Her words poignantly convey the paradox of freedom for ex-slaves. Emancipation from chattel status into poverty and continued subjugation meant that freedom, while long awaited and celebrated, entailed material distress and personal uncertainty. Her story also highlights the particular difficulties of freedom for Antigua’s black women, who faced an unreli- able labor market that favored black men, while the women shouldered responsibility for their children and extended kin, often without assis- tance from male partners. Essentially, these inadequacies meant that freedpeople similar to Juncho had to imbue freedom with deeper mean- ing through new social, political, and ontological struggles.
  • 07Her testimony reveals that self-ownership marked only the beginning of such struggles. Freedpeople were still poor and bereft of the resources required to improve their material and social circumstances. Their con- tinued efforts were central to the lived experience of emancipation. This book tells the story of how Antigua’s black working people struggled to realize freedom in their everyday lives, both before and after slavery’s legal end, as well as the transformative nature of their many letdowns and few triumphs along the way.
  • 08Troubling Freedom explores how newly emancipated women and men de- fined freedom by tracing its uneasy trajectory in Antigua over nearly three decades. After an overview of the island in the nineteenth century, the book moves to a slave rebellion in 1831 that foreshadowed emancipa- tion’s complexities. It continues by chronicling freedpeople’s quotidian survival tactics from 1834 through the 1850s, and it closes with an 1858 labor riot that reinforced freedom as an incomplete victory. Studies of freedom in former slave societies throughout the Atlantic World fre- quently posit emancipation as the start of black people’s labor organiz- ing and pursuit of political rights.
  • 09Framing short-term strategies after slavery within the long-term struggle to obtain political and economic citizenship is vitally important, but it tells only part of freedom’s story. The moments just after slavery’s end, flooded with chaos and uncer- tainty for both former slaves and masters, formed a critical juncture that begs closer examination. In this time of flux, both groups made fitful attempts to configure distinct practices of freedom, which bore stark differences that triggered clashes between them for decades afterward.
  • 10Impoverished and illiterate freedpeople just emerging from bondage may have held far-reaching goals, but they were in no position to make drastic changes to their new status. Still, they conceived of a freedom that granted them ownership over their bodies and their time, autonomy in their labor, enjoyment of their leisure, and legal and economic inclusion in society—if not as equals with their erstwhile enslavers, then at least as protected subjects. Furthermore, historians have argued that there were greater political and economic constraints among freedpeople in small islands such as Antigua, because freedpeople’s universally blocked access to land immediately forced them into underpaid plantation labor.
  • 11While indeed their landlessness constrained freed Antiguans, this book compli- cates that sweeping narrative by highlighting their myriad efforts to de- fine and expand their freedom in the face of such constraints. I ask how, despite being mired in poverty, subject to coercion, and denied even the most basic rights at every turn, freedpeople still found spaces in their ordinary lives to feel free.
  • 12Freedpeople had to carve out their own forms of liberation. Despite unyielding obstacles, black working people practiced their freedom through struggles to claim space, uphold community, acquire property, and reorganize their time and labor. I have found that ordinary encoun- ters not only between blacks and whites but also among black people evidenced the transformative impact of emancipation in their daily lives. Freedpeople’s interactions within and beyond the plantation workplace— such as intermittent strikes, independent provisioning and marketing, the simultaneous practice of obeah and Christianity, efforts to educate themselves and their children, public socializing and amusements, and the founding of all-black villages in Antigua—all show the many con- testations over freedom’s multiple meanings. Freedpeople’s practices of leisure, forms of spirituality, family relationships, and new modes of consumption complemented their struggles against the colony’s elites to assert their senses of freedom. Their quotidian survival strategies fed into black working people’s rare yet revelatory moments of collective and violent public protest.
  • 13Everyday life among black working people manifests the dynamics of British emancipation most profoundly, making plain the disruptions, possibilities, and failures wrought by freedom.
  • 14Through their daily ex- periences, freedpeople honed their ideas about freedom, making the exploration of ordinary life critical to our understanding of freedom’s complexities. Black working people’s quotidian acts reveal that, despite being legally free, constant efforts were still necessary to secure and expand their material resources, their autonomy, and their sense of community. Prior to the genesis of formal, institutionalized modes of political and economic struggle, everyday life in postslavery Antigua was the laboratory for black working people’s politics.
  • 15Existing histories of the transition to freedom in the Atlantic World do critical intellectual work to define freedom, to expose its inconsis- tencies when juxtaposed with citizenship as a concept and a practice in former slave societies, and to reflect on existing racial, gender, and class hierarchies that abolition’s passage built on and exacerbated. These sto- ries have framed freedpeople’s efforts to give freedom meaning within a well-known dialectic of communal unity and consistent opposition to unsympathetic state structures and hostile former owners. I trace black working people’s efforts to achieve a more meaningful freedom by rein- terpreting a variety of ordinary acts that literate observers often viewed as “resistance” to colonial law and order. The two remarkable moments of civil strife in 1831 and 1858 that bookend this story are also critical to how I rethink this trajectory of resistance. I label these moments as riots, in line with colonial parlance of the time. I also name them as upris- ings, revolts, and rebellions interchangeably to indicate that they were wide- spread and prolonged, attracted many participants, targeted the white establishment as well as rival laborers on occasion, and threatened the social hierarchy embodied in property and enforced by law.10 Ultimately I complicate the concept of resistance, in both mundane and spectacular forms, by pointing out its unintended and restrictive consequences for oppressed communities.11 The narrative of valiant and unified subaltern struggles against domination by the powerful, while recognizable and seductive, does not account for the range of acts chronicled in this book, which in this chaotic period were as ambiguous as they were courageous.
  • 16While freedpeople constantly tried to protect their own interests, their efforts were not always clear-cut acts of opposition to power and did not always advance the broader cause of social justice. Black work- ing people did not consistently subvert the control of colonial elites, as becoming free embedded them even more deeply in the structures of colonial domination. The end of enslavement prompted new forms of accountability to the state, Christian missions, and employers. At the same time, freedpeople tried—often in vain—to force that account- ability to flow reciprocally by becoming engaged with colonial law and the public sphere. They acted on an unfulfilled hope that the Crown and local authorities would accept or even facilitate their desire to provide for themselves and their families and to conduct their lives as they wished. Their intermittent collusions, whether intended or not, with the same repressive structures they at other points opposed reveal the broad scope of black working people’s immediate practices of freedom. This book explicates the various forms of power that framed freedom, “the shaping quality of the power that comes to reconstruct, or make over, the lives of the ex-slaves.”
  • 17Freedpeople at times oppressed one another while navigating the mul- tiple forms of oppression that abolition unleashed. The desperation resulting from the subjugation that pervaded their public and private lives prompted them to commit individualistic and competitive acts along with cooperative and communal ones. People of the same race, class, or gender, living in the same plantation or neighborhood or even within the same family, experienced constant pressures to which they periodically responded with violence and confusion, aimed not only at the powerful but also at each other. Release from enslavement did not automatically forge collective bonds of solidarity and struggle; rather, it linked the fates of similarly degraded individuals. Community, when it appeared among formerly enslaved Antiguans, did so in spite of the brutal economic, so- cial, and political constraints of the transition from slavery to freedom. Black working people’s efforts to improve their circumstances, whether through collaboration or conflict with their community, still largely re- sulted in their exclusion and degradation.
  • 18Troubling Freedom offers an unromanticized account of aspects of the past that have remained unstudied because of the discomfort that fac- ing them honestly entails. It recounts freedpeople’s experiences of free- dom as a truly human, complex, and at times contradictory story of lives conducted within the state-imposed limits of emancipation. As Juncho’s narrative so powerfully suggests, severe material privation, black work- ing people’s compromised volition, the treachery rife within the empty promise of emancipation, and the chronic violence that punctuated life’s rhythms within this plantation society all exacted a serious toll on rela- tions between freedpeople and colonial elites, and among freed men and women. However inconsistent their intent or results, such interactions reveal as much about what freedpeople thought freedom meant as do the laws, intellectual currents, and economic practices of the states and empires that institutionally oversaw the dismantling of black bondage.
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